Saturday 16 August 2014

WWI Centenary as India comes of Age: Time to Renew the Commonwealth

The centenary of the First World War comes at a time of great generational change, as the millennials and the first digital natives come of age. Coinciding also with the start of the Asian century, this presents a perfect opportunity to rejuvenate the Commonwealth. 

Democratic institutions are threatened around the world. As the free world faces fundamentalist Islam, and a rising authoritarian China and Russia, there is an urgent need to focus on and assert the values of the free world. A great mass of the population of free countries belongs to the Commonwealth of Nations. With Europe in structural decline and the US turning inwards, it is vital that the Commonwealth takes up the fight for democratic and liberal values.

The rise of the British Empire changed the world forever. No other historical force has shaped the modern world to such an extent or touched as many people on such a scale. It is the reason that I, an ethnic Indian am writing this in English, the language I am most familiar with, in Australia, a country I easily assimilated into. 

In what Daniel Hannan has described as 'Anglobalisation', the British Empire and later the Commonwealth has left behind a global community sharing a common language, legal system, academic culture, and to a lesser extent a cultural milieu.  Yet the predominant emotion associated with the British Empire over the last hundred years have been acrimony, resentment and betrayal. This has translated into apathy for the Commonwealth. 

This is not terribly surprising. The last hundred years witnessed the worst excesses of British imperialism. India was rewarded for its loyalty and bravery in World War I not with self-government but with a brutality that dwarfed the worst caricatures of the Kaiser. For sacrificing hundreds of thousands of its sons, the Punjab was rewarded with martial law and the slaughter of Jalianwala Bagh, where hundreds of unarmed men, women and children were enclosed and shot dead in cold blood by an unrepentant General Dyer. To rub salt in Indian wounds, Dyer received little formal reprimand, and was hailed as a hero by sections of British society, with the Morning Post collecting the equivalent of a million pounds to present to him. Britain snubbed Indian demands for dominion status on par with the white realms, ultimately losing the goodwill of its Indian subjects.

In the rest of the Anglosphere, the last hundred years witnessed Britain abandoning its family to cosy up with its neighbours, when it joined the EU and abandoned its trade links with Australia and New Zealand, who could not compete with the generously subsidised agricultural industry of Europe. 

It is therefore not surprising that there is little love for the Commonwealth and the soul of the old British Empire that it embodies. The decolonisation process happened relatively recently, and there are still many who remember life in the shadows of a Union Jack. Singapore and Malaysia only became independent 57 years ago. It is understandable that the views of that generation and those that followed them are shaped by the struggle against a foreign imperial power, often with a racial dimension.

My grandparents lived in a world where the white man literally ruled. My parents grew up in the shadow of colonialism, where the white man no longer ruled, but towered as a superior wealthy caste that ruled in all but name. Theirs was the first generation of the great Indian diaspora, which fought racism to give their children a better future in faraway lands.

Generation Y is really the first to be born unburdened of this history. This generational change coinciding with the centenary of World War I presents a unique opportunity to rejuvenate the Commonwealth. For the first time, all the descendants of the British Empire can genuinely count themselves as beneficiaries of that historical phenomenon which has forced us into a common patrimony. Regardless of the horrors and injustices our ancestors inflicted or suffered, we are today fortunate to be born in the Anglosphere- a loose, informal community of free countries which offers us a gateway into every continent on Earth and almost every major culture.

For the first time, a generation can look back at the remarkable events of the First World War without being influenced by personal experiences of colonialism or its aftermath. We can objectively see the diverse peoples of the Anglosphere coming together to defend an empire that although imperfect, was the genesis of our modern lives.

The focus on Commonwealth contributions to the World War I in Britain this year has dusted off sepia-tinged, forgotten stories from a period of the British Raj, when the Indian Independence movement was still a struggle within, not against the system. A time when there was a degree of respect and good faith between the British rulers and their Indian subjects, who like Gandhi were proud subjects only demanding their right of self-rule. We see photos of letters sent by Queen Mary to her “Indian sisters” who had been widowed by the War, and hear BBC programs of a hospital at the Royal Pavilion in Brighton set up for wounded Indian soldiers, where the British were most careful with dietary requirements (having learnt their lessons from the 1857 mutiny).[1]

India comes of Age

As the western world succumbs to its demographic and fiscal deficit, it is India’s moral duty to carry the torch of the Anglosphere into this century. After a thousand years of subjugation, its time has come. The election of Narendra Modi could prove to be a turning point in Indian and world history. Modi, the first PM to be born in independent India, embodies the optimism and confidence of India’s burgeoning, aspirational youth.

At first sight, the election of a man who shuns English in favour of Hindi and the first PM from outside the anglicised Delhi elite would appear to be bad news for the Anglosphere. However, this would be taking a myopic view. Modi’s Hindu nationalism is necessary to allow India to shrug off its last vestiges of colonial complex and come to its own in the eyes of the world.

While India may have won freedom, it has remained culturally colonised. English trappings such as a convent education and fluency in English are still viewed as social status symbols. The higher up you climb in Indian society, the more anglicised you need to be. This was so ingrained that it showed until recently even in the Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party, where senior leaders such as LK Advani belonged to what author Tavleen Singh has described as the elite world of the ‘Delhi Durbar.’ Modi is the first politician from the grassroots of the real India to shatter the glass ceiling to high office.

India can best contribute to the Anglosphere if she rediscovers her place there as a self-confident nation true to herself and her ancient, diverse and pluralistic Hindu civilisation. India has always been its own civilisation, but it was brought into the modern age by the Raj, and will continue to have a natural affinity to the Anglosphere.

When Modi first entered Parliament as the PM, his first act was replete with accidental symbolism. As he approached the steps of the Central Hall of Parliament, Modi went down on his knees and touched his head to the sacred temple of democracy, in the manner Hindus enter a temple. It was a humble tribute to the voters who put him there and encapsulated a beautiful cross-cultural acknowledgement of universal truths. Here was the personification of Hindutva (Hindu nationalism) paying homage in the most Indian way to Westminster democracy.

That act was symbolic of the exciting potential India has in store if it takes up the torch of righteousness and liberty in the international community.  The most precious values of the Anglosphere are universal in nature. A true statesman like Modi steeped in the Hindu tradition of dharma (righteousness) should quickly find common ground with the Anglosphere and its allies in pursuit of the common values of democracy, religious freedom and liberalism. While liberal values have not been especially prevalent in modern India, they do have deep roots in Indian culture and civilisation, as discussed in Amartya Sen's The Argumentative Indian.

A resurgent, newly confident India can put its unique cultural stamp on the universal values that have been borne by all progressive societies in human history. Perhaps the best way for India to get back at Britain for the Raj would be to remind an ailing Britannia of what Anglosphere values really are, and what she has lost.






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